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As the nation expanded in the 1830s and 1840s, the writings of abolitionists—a small but vocal group of northerners committed to ending slavery—reached a larger national audience. White southerners responded by putting forth arguments in defense of slavery, their way of life, and their honor.
8 Οκτ 2024 · Abolitionists argued that slavery was a social and moral evil that harmed not only the slaves but their owners and society as a whole. Slaves were brutalized and lived in fear and forced...
But the social context in which slavery exists — a combination of public opinion, self-interest, affection, and law — curbs “the selfishness of man’s nature” and protects slaves from maltreatment.
One of the most damning components of antislavery propaganda was its ability to make slavery appear un-Christian. Ironically, while abolitionist causes were institutionally linked to the Second Great Awakening (1800–1830s), the most prolific religious proslavery advocates were also caught up in new revivalism, specifically Presbyterian ...
This article shows how the same fundamental questions raised by proslavery thought have consistently confronted not only modern scholars but also the very historical actors who battled over slavery's fate in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
He discusses the internal slave trade that moved thousands of slaves from the eastern seaboard to the cotton states of the Southwest between 1820 and 1860. Professor Blight then sketches the contents of the pro-slavery argument, including its biblical, historical, economic, cynical, and utopian aspects.
18 Αυγ 2016 · They were responding to the increasingly powerful abolitionist critique of slavery. The academics’ proslavery arguments often built a political theory of hierarchy. It emphasized the inequality of enslaved people and argued that enslaved people were not fit for freedom.